ECONOMIC UNIT FOR FARMING AND GRAZING
It had early on become obvious that small farms of 40 acres or so of
Australian land were generally not large enough to form viable economic
units (Note 119). Yet this was the lower limit on selections. To some extent
this problem was recognised by the initial upper limit of 320 acres (Note
120), which itself was raised to 640 acres when found to be too small (Note
121). Generally it appears that a selector needed to have sufficient land to
carry sheep, so that he could get through seasons too dry for crops (Note
122).
Perhaps the contradiction may be explained by the fact that, particularly in
some settled areas, 40 acres of good, well watered land may have been an
economic proposition, and that the legislation needed to offer flexibility.
Another explanation is that the minimum was set low enough to give the
appearance that workers were being given the opportunity to own land, i.e.
seemingly keeping faith with the electors, while knowing that such a block
would in general be too small to be successful.
In 1883 Commissioners Rankin and Morris reported that 1280 acres were
required to make an economic unit in the remaining coastal lands, and 2560
required inland (Note 123). In fact, most successful selectors eventually
owned between 640 and 4,000 acres (Note 124). Clark estimates that
viability might be anything from 2 to 10,000 acres, depending on location
(Note 125).
Many selectors seem to have extended themselves merely to get on to the
land. Contemporary estimates suggest that more than 50% of selectors
suffered a serious lack of capital (Note 126). Many seem to have fallen into
the hands of loan sharks, from whence it was said impossible to escape (Note
127). Shopkeepers, merchants and banks (through agents) all seem to have
been involved, charging interest rates varying from 12.5% to as high as 70%
(Note 128). Eventually the Colonial Parliaments enacted Closer Settlement
Acts in the 1880s to provide financial asistance to address this problem (Note
129).
Unlike livestock, crops could not walk to market, and transport costs for
agricultural produce were prohibitive (Note 130). In many areas the soil was
inferior, and climate simply unsuitable for agriculture (Note 131), and while
grazing was suitable the block sizes were much too small for economic
activity.
Lack of capital led to inefficiencies in an already precarious situation. Like
Dad and Dave, some probably had to clear land and hoe for planting without
a draft animal to help (Note 132). Failed selectors sometimes were forced to
abandon their land (Note 133), or lost it to their creditors (Note 134). Many
hung on in misery (Note 135).
On the brighter side, selectors in areas more suited to farming were often
successful.
Wheat cultivation expanded from 1 million acres in 1871 to over 3 million in
1881 and 5 million by 1901 (Note 136). However this does not necessarily
equate to successful selectors. The squatters recognised in Australia felix the
finest wheat fields in Victoria (Note 137), but were prohibited by
government order from cultivating more than needed for their establishments
(Note 138). No doubt after Duffy's Acts the squatters also
cultivated wheat when economic to do so. Yet much of this expansion was
due to farming by selectors. This is supported by the population statistics for
the wheat areas of Western Victoria, showing a huge increase at this time
(Note 139).
Detailed studies of the Riverina suggest that much genuine settlement took
place there as well (Note 140), although success was limited to certain
favoured areas (Note 141). Selectors also established themselves on the
Darling Downs, in some districts about 36% surviving into the 20th century
(Note 142). Selection was also successful in the higher rainfall areas on the
northern rivers of NSW (Note 143).
Huge parts of Australia were permanently alienated from the Crown, ending
up in the hands of squatters, large scale selectors and financial institutions
(Note 144). By 1881, 96 landholders had freehold estates covering 8 million
acres, averaging 84,000 acres each (Note 145).
In the end, the poor land and climate meant that most small selectors failed,
although there were successes in some districts.
OTHER PROBLEMS FACED BY SELECTORS
THE END RESULT
The next part is the Bibliography
Note 120 Section 13, The Alienation Act 1861 (NSW), in Document Set 8, p.11.
Note 121 See e.g. opinion of J.A. Buchanan, valuer and rate collector, Wimmera Shire, Western Victoria: Document Set 8, p.18; cf. Dutton, op cit, 83.
Note 122 See Document Set 8, pp.18, 27, 32 & 34. See also Shann, op cit, 199.
Note 123 Clarence Karr, "Mythology vs. Reality: The Success of Free Selection in New South Wales", (1974) 60 JRAHS 199, at 203.
Note 124 Ibid, 200.
Note 125 Clark (4), op cit, 174.
Note 126 Document Set 8, p.34. This is consistent with the wages and savings analysis above.
Note 127 See Document Set 8, p.18.
Note 128 See e.g. Document Set 8, pp.18, 25, 26, 33 and 35.
Note 129 Clark (4), op cit, 343.
Note 130 Ibid, 174.
Note 131 See e.g. Document Set 8, p.16. See also Dutton, op cit, 83.
Note 132 Steele Rudd (Arthur H Davis), "Starting the Selection", in The Bulletin, 1895, reprinted in The Bulletin, Centenary Issue, 29 January 1980 (The Bulletin), pp.265-6.
Note 133 Illustrated by Will H. Ogilvie, Abandoned Selections, in Document Set 8, p.22.
Note 134 Document Set 8, p.17.
Note 135 See e.g. Clark (4), op cit, 344.
Note 136 Hunt, op cit, 239-42. See also Document Set 8, p.29.
Note 137 When they first arrived there it was still part of NSW: Shann, op cit, 195.
Note 138 Ibid.
Note 139 Document Set 8, p.29.
Note 140 Gammage, op cit, 107-8.
Note 141 Only 244 of 1426 selectors were left after 17 years, only 48 of whom were trying to make a living from cultivation: Shann, op cit, 205.
Note 142 Waterson, op cit, 100.
Note 143 See Prentis, op cit, 101.
Note 144 See Shann, op cit, 208.
Note 145 Ibid.
The next part is the Bibliography
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